THE CULTURAL AND SPIRITUAL PRACTICES OF THE KAJANG ORANG ULU INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN SARAWAK

Hassan Alli¹ and Mohamad Maulana Magiman²

¹Faculty of Design and Architecture

Universiti Putra Malaysia 43400 UPM Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia

²Faculty of Humanities, Management and Science

Universiti Putra Malaysia Sarawak, 97008 Bintulu Sarawak, Malaysia

INTRODUCTION

The state of Sarawak, located on the island of Borneo in East Malaysia, is the largest state in the country by land area. Sarawak is divided into 12 divisions, or districts such as Kuching, Sri Aman, Sibu, Miri, Limbang, Bintulu, Sarikei, Kapit, Kota Samarahan, Mukah, Serian and Betong. Moreover, Sarawak is also a home of more than 34 sub-ethnic groups include the Iban, Malay (Sarawak Malays), Bidayuh, Chinese, Melanau, and various Orang Ulu communities such as the Kayan, Kenyah, Kelabit, Lun Bawang, and Penan practices (Tugau, 2020; Magiman et al., 2024). Orang Ulu in Sarawak refers to a collective term used to describe several indigenous ethnic groups in the interior regions of northern Sarawak, especially in the Baram, Tinjar, and Belaga areas. The “Orang Ulu” means "upriver people" or "people of the interior" in Malay, and although it is not an ethnic group by itself, it has become a recognized term to represent a variety of small, and distinct indigenous communities. According to Jalong (2001), the term “Orang Ulu” was first formally recorded by the Council for Customs and Traditions in the Orang Ulu Customary Code of Fines in 1950. It was later reaffirmed and officially documented for a second time by the Orang Ulu National Association (OUNA) in 1966. They were classification as Indigenous Peoples (IP) is commonly framed through two terms: Orang Asli and Bumiputera. Both terms, when translated, mean "people of the origin" or "sons of the soil," signifying a connection to indigeneity.

As reported by the Sarawak Energy (2025) in January 2021, the official recognition of additional indigenous communities has expanded the number of formally acknowledged indigenous ethnic groups in Sarawak, as stipulated under the Federal Constitution of Malaysia (Article 161A (6) and (7)). Furthermore, the rights of indigenous peoples in Sarawak, legally referred to as the “Natives of Sarawak,” are safeguarded by several key constitutional provisions. The Orang Ulu peoples traditionally lived in longhouses along riverbanks and practiced subsistence farming, fishing, and forest product gathering. They have rich oral traditions, rituals, and a deep spiritual connection to the land and forest. However, the development of Bakun Hydroelectric Dam, one of Southeast Asia's largest, has had a major impact on the Orang Ulu communities. Before the construction of the Bakun HEP, the area was home to 15 longhouses, housing over 9,400 (1,640 families). The resettlement process associated with the Bakun Hydroelectric Project (HEP) affected several indigenous communities located approximately 40 kilometres from the Bakun HEP Dam. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, around 10,000 indigenous people were relocated to the Sungai Asap, Belaga. This resettlement Scheme as part of the project’s implementation.

The social structure and hierarchy among the indigenous peoples of Sarawak show notable differences. Unlike the Iban and Bidayuh, whose societies are mostly egalitarian and lack formal class divisions, the Orang Ulu a collective of various indigenous groups traditionally have a more stratified social system. Most Orang Ulu communities observe a defined social hierarchy, with the exception of the Penan, who maintain a more equal and classless lifestyle. At the top of this hierarchy is the Maran, the aristocratic class consisting of chiefs and noble families. The Maran hold significant social, political, and spiritual authority within their communities. They govern villages, lead important rituals, and serve as guardians of customary laws and traditions.

Below the Maran are the Panyin, or commoner families, who make up the majority of the population. The Panyin are generally free individuals engaged in farming, hunting, and craftsmanship. Although they do not hold formal leadership roles, they play vital roles in sustaining the social and economic life of the community. At the lowest tier are the Dipen, historically known as slaves or servant families. Their status was often hereditary, and they served both the Maran and Panyin families. Although slavery as a practice has largely disappeared, the social distinctions it created, and their lasting legacies remain an important part of Orang Ulu cultural history. Recently, this hierarchical structure continued to influence many aspects of Orang Ulu life, including marriage customs, ritual duties, and leadership roles.

 

THE KAJANG COMMUNITIES OF ORANG ULU 

The Kajang communities are recognized as one of the indigenous peoples under the broader umbrella of the Orang Ulu peoples of Sarawak. Their distinct identity was formally acknowledged in 1950 when anthropologist Dr. Ronald Edmund Leach introduced the term “Kajang” in his Social Economic Survey of Sarawak. The Kajang are not a single, homogenous community but a collective designation encompassing several related sub-groups. According to Leach (1950), summary on information provided by Penghulu Puso Abun, the Kajang originally comprised twelve groups, though this number was later reduced to six namely Sekapan, Kejaman, Lahanan, Tanjong, Sihan and Punan Ba. Each sub-group possesses its own dialect, cultural practices, and social traditions, while still sharing overarching cultural and historical ties that bind them together as a broader community. Geographically, the Kajang communities are concentrated in the interior highland regions of Sarawak, particularly within the Belaga and Kapit divisions. Before that, in the mid-nineteenth century, during the era of Penghulu Puso, it was said the Kajang were originally inhabitants of the Linau and Balui Rivers on the upper reaches of the Rejang.

 

    

 

Figure 1. Kajang – Sekapan and Punan Ba Longhouse village (Source by DayakDaily.com)

The Lahanan are recognized as the third largest population among the Kajang communities. Traditionally residing along the upper reaches of the Balui River in the Kapit Division, particularly in areas such as Long Pangai and Long Semuang. According to history, the Lahanan ethnic group originated from Apau Kayan, East Kalimantan, which is believed to be the ancestral homeland of the Orang Ulu people in Sarawak. Before Sarawak joined Malaysia in 1963, they lived in the Balui River area. However, around 150 years ago, the Lahanan experienced a split due to a leadership dispute. They divided into two groups: Lahanan Long Pangai and Lahanan Long Belepeh. Lahanan Long Pangai are closely to follow the Kayan customs and language due to their proximity to the Kayan ethnic group. Many of them were relocated to Sungai Asap under the Bakun Resettlement Scheme in the late 1990s. In fact, intermarriage between the two groups has also influenced their language and culture as well. In contrast, Lahanan Long Belepeh have made greater efforts to preserve their own Lahanan customs and language. According to the classification in the Malaysia Ethnologue Report, the Lahanan language belongs to the Austronesian language family, under the Malayo-Polynesian branch, North Borneo subgroup, Melanau-Kajang group, and specifically the Kajang sub-group. Despite their small population, the Lahanan maintain a distinct identity through their language, traditional beliefs, and cultural practices. Historically, they adhered to animist spiritual beliefs, including the Bungan religion, which emphasizes harmony with nature and the spirit world.

 

       

 

      

 Figure 2. Kajang – Lahanan traditional dance (Source by authors, 2025)

 

Nevertheless, efforts to revitalize Lahanan heritage have been made, including the annual Pesta Adet Saviek and the Kelaman Khazanah Seni Lahanan. In addition, the Lahanan ethnic group is also renowned for their unique arts and handicrafts, such as intricate wood carvings and colorful beadwork that often feature symbolic patterns significant to their culture. Their traditional music is typically performed using gongs and drums, which provide rhythmic accompaniment for various ceremonies and celebrations. One notable musical form is the “Lepo’ Tepu”, a gong-based ensemble that accompanies ritual dances and communal gatherings. In terms of dance, the Lahanan have distinctive traditional dances that serve both social and spiritual functions. The “Datun Julud” dance, for example, is performed during festivals and involves graceful, synchronized movements that tell stories of their ancestors and daily life. Another dance, the “Tebang Selampit”, is characterized by lively steps and is often performed to celebrate harvests and community unity.

Pesta Adet Saviek is a significant traditional festival celebrated by the Kajang communities, including the Lahanan, in Sarawak’s Belaga region. This festival functions as a harvest thanksgiving ritual, where the community expresses gratitude for a bountiful harvest and blessings from nature. Historically, Pesta Adet Saviek was central to the social and spiritual life of the Kajang people, involving offerings, traditional dances, music, and communal feasting. The festival features performances of traditional songs such as Lenya and Lereang, contests, and displays of cultural costumes and handicrafts. Over the years, the festival saw a decline due to religious conversions and modernization but has been revived recently through community efforts and government support. Today, it serves not only as a spiritual thanksgiving but also as a platform for cultural preservation and intergenerational transmission of the Kajang heritage. Pesta Adet Saviek highlights the deep connection between the Kajang people and their ancestral traditions, reaffirming their identity in the face of changing times.

 

      

 

     

Figure 3. Kajang – Lahanan Kelaman traditions and ritual (Source by authors, 2025)

While the Kelaman Lahanan is a traditional communal house or gathering hall that holds great cultural significance for the Lahanan people. It serves as a central venue for social interaction, cultural activities, and important community rituals. Traditionally, the kelaman is a longhouse-style structure built using local timber and decorated with intricate wood carvings and beadwork that reflect Lahanan artistic heritage. Within the Kelaman, the community conducts ceremonies, discusses communal matters, and passes down oral histories and cultural knowledge from elders to younger generations. It is also a space for practicing traditional arts such as weaving, carving, and music. In recent years, efforts have been made to restore and maintain the Kelaman Lahanan as a symbol of cultural identity and resilience. This includes the establishment of cultural centers or museums that showcase Lahanan crafts and heritage, helping to keep the traditions alive amid modernization. The Kelaman Lahanan is thus more than just a physical structure; it embodies the spirit, history, and unity of the Lahanan people.

CONCLUSION

The spiritual and cultural practices of the Kajang reflect a profound and inseparable connection between people, nature, and the unseen world. Traditionally rooted in animism, Kajang spirituality is based on the belief that spiritual beings, ancestral spirits, and natural forces play an active role in everyday life. This belief system regards every element of the environment rivers, forests, mountains, plants, and animals as imbued with spiritual energy (semangat) that must be respected, appeased, and harmonized through rituals and offerings. Transgressions against nature are believed to disrupt this balance, resulting in misfortune, illness, or social disharmony, whereas proper ritual observance ensures protection, prosperity, and community well-being. Spiritual ceremonies, such as ritual offerings, healing practices, and communal feasts, serve not only as acts of devotion but also as mechanisms for strengthening kinship ties and reinforcing shared cultural values. These ceremonies reaffirm the sacred role of ancestors as guardians and mediators between the living and the spiritual realm, thereby sustaining continuity across generations. By examining traditional beliefs, social customs, and spiritual practices, this study highlights how the Kajang’s cultural and spiritual practices are deeply intertwined, shaping their collective identity, preserving social cohesion, and providing resilience in the face of cultural change and external pressures.

Acknowledgement

This article is part of a research project supported by the Kursi Pehin Sri Adenan Satem Research Grant, Universiti Putra Malaysia Sarawak

 

Reference

DayakDaily. (2024). DayakDaily.com. Sage Salute. https://dayakdaily.com

Jalong, J. (2001). Kalong: Seni motif tradisi Orang Ulu. Sarawak Museum.

Leach, E. R. (1950). Political systems of Highland Burma: A study of Kachin social structure. London: G. Bell and Sons.

Magiman, M. M., Abu Bakar, F., Ismail, Z., Chai, E. G., & Fern, C. (2024). Ethnomedicinal plant employment by the Buket ethnic in Sarawak Borneo. African Journal of Biological Science. 6(12)1451-1466.

Sarawak Energy (2025). Indigenous peoples’ plan. Inception Report (R3). www.sarawakenergy.com/assets/pdf/Inception-Report-for-IPP-Bakun-HEP.pdf

Tugau, M. A., Magiman, M. M., Kundat, F. R., Yusoff, A. N., & Chelum, A. (2020). Ritual dirges (Sabah Bebuah) of Iban community in Sebauh District, Bintulu, Sarawak. Hamdard Islamicus. 43, S-11122-1136.

 

 

 

 

 

Date of Input: 30/03/2026 | Updated: 30/03/2026 | marini